twimmin nd kids
what is this about?
Making space for antiracist feminism in Northern Italy / Heather Merrill -- Resisting domestic violence and caste inequality : all-women courts in India / Veronica Magar -- Exotic dancing and unionizing : the challenges of feminist and antiracist organizing at the Lusty Lady Theater / Siobhan Brooks -- Women, healthcare, and social reform in Yemen / Delores M. Walters -- Danger talk : race and feminist empowerment in the new South Africa / Michelle Rosenthal -- From race cognizance to racism cognizance : dilemmas in antiracist activism in California / Ellen Kaye Scott -- Between the covers : feminist, antiracist, and queer performance art in Australia / Andrea Breen -- Feminism, Nationalism, and the Japanese Textbook Controversy over "comfort women" / Yoshiko Nozaki -- Coalition politics in organizing for Mumia Abu-Jamal / Sohera Syeda and Becky Thompson -- Extraordinary alliances in crisis situations : women against Hindu nationalism in India / Paola Bacchetta -- Working with feminists in Zimbabwe : a black American's experience of transnational alliances / Carolyn Martin Shaw -- Building connections between antiracism and feminism : antiracist women and profeminist men / Eileen O'Brien and Michael Armato -- "L'affaire des foulards'" : problems of defining a feminist antiracist strategy in French schools / Jane Freedman -- Memorializing racist massacres : faith versus feminism in Florida / Cathleen L. Armstead -- Casting off servitude : assessing caste and gender inequality in India / Ashwini Deshpande -- Mapping the meanings of "racism" and "feminism" among women television broadcast journalists in Canada / Minelle Mahtani.
katholik trip in south phiilly today,. wwalked by a mexican grocery around mountain? st. lots of churches and picturers of cardinals and fictitious religious figures posted on residential windows.
REmember "Born in Flames"? movie dir. by Lizzie Borden...? i rememeber my friend in boston telling me he was excited to gon a lizzie borden trip., so , not that lizzie.
anyhow "Born in Flames" was one of those films that couldnt have happened at any other time other than the early 8-0's without being self debilitating. in fact, it still pretty much was...difficult to view it without assuming a certain level of uncriticalism (from an elemental point of view.)anywho heres an excerpt from a paper written on it? i remmeber this. (i havent editied it -it's fun to read essays written 4-5 years ago. but- the thing about this is how is apoliticez by makeing the issues grossly political, about gender politics. there is a transference to a fictional setting based in transparent unreality, what is the method here?? to be viewed as a text maybe, rather than a representation. it obviously makes no claims otherwise in its blind assertion of inclusivity.
its funny though that i was so critical ov isabel even though i originilaly rented it for the sounds (lora logic of the same song of the name of the movie, but esp. the bloods, who're the same icons that this movie glorifies-well, of course, isabel is held in higher esteem... (?) of course, blacks and hispanics are removed, transplanted from concretion, and if i recall the movie still marginalized asians by removing them from the discussion, well, that's what multiculturalism does...plays the oppositional elements (white and non-white) off each other..one cna't ignore that grups like like those featured here were born in multicultural england! of the 80's.
(this is only available here in phiiladelphia at the tla video on spring garden-had to go on a hunt.)
anyhow, if you happen to seeit, its amusingly of its time and takes its ppolitics so far as to not have another 'perspective' or irony of anything less than full conviction and assertions, kind of like these made in essay!
Isabel continues to implore that her message does not need to be involved with actual instances of oppression, and that music is her only message, a sort of pleasure-based inarticulacy, detached and uninvolved with the sentient world. All of this changes, of course, and her problematic position is at least in part rectified when she becomes directly involved with the Women’s Army, though only after a direct assault (when her pirate radio station is destroyed by violent, radical anti-feminist groups). Contrast this with Honey, who becomes involved with the Women’s Army voluntarily, and long before Phoenix Radio is destroyed by the same groups that destroyed Radio Regazza. This is primarily because Isabel is not influenced by labor movements, at least as they pertain to African-American women (because of her own lack or personal experience). Again, Borden dictates the situation that negotiates the women’s labor movements, and perhaps wrongly feels she has to posit such a ‘far-fetched’ occurrence that pushes women laborers to protest in not only a fictitious story, but in a fictitious environment. Putting the post-revolutionary socialist society in place appears only to point out the problems with socialist as it marginalizes women, however, from a gender related discussion, it is unnecessary.
Several syncretic ideas are drawn together in "Born in Flames,” directed by Lizzie Borden in 1983. Borden’s scope is perhaps far-reaching and fairly neglectful of ethnic/class concerns, though she studies various reductive modes of explicit/implicit subversion; detailing them individually, and grouping them based on shared political concerns and sensibilities. The setting for “Born in Flames” in a futuristic post-revolutionary socialist world (as we are told to believe, though the world is very much of its time) is somewhat unnecessary, although as a setting, it is more or less beneficial for Borden to cogently state her thesis. Socialism is still an economic exchange, one that precludes the involvement of women; and though the living conditions aren’t greatly magnified in the systematic oppression of women, the incitement to take up arms is enacted in part due to the lack of a work force involvement for equal rights for women within a labor or industrial centered economy. (This economy is in opposition to an economy based in technology and educational attainment, as this is not apparent in Borden’s post-revolutionary socialist urban environment). “Born in Flames” provides different (ranked) levels of activism, processed by each of the individuals concerns, and focuses on various results and methods of dissemination, without becoming too involved with the reasons for each of the groups’ individual concerns.
There are four primary sub-groups that “Born in Flames” represents, exclusive of women only (though all are not necessarily funded or formed by women), all eventually becoming involved in the Women’s Army, the fictitious radical women’s liberation group, by the end. They are: the white, European female journalists for the Socialist Youth Review, associated with the Socialist Party, (patriarchal) based and funded periodical, Regazza Radio, the pirate radio station run by ‘Isabel,’ a white lesbian artist primarily concerned with broadcasting white punk/rock and roll/art music only as an expressionist, rebellious (though apoliticized) message, Honey, the voice behind Phoenix Radio, an African-American originally associated with the socialists, who plays black reggae/roots/soul music and is an interested and partial conspirator with the Women’s Army (and broadcasts her support accordingly). Lastly, the Women’s Army, founded and co-headed by Adelaide Norris, a black lesbian militant, who is perceived as the least ‘theoretical,’ and most activist (as well as the greatest terroristic threat by the government). She is eventually captured and murdered, and this acts as a catalyst for the involvement of all the disparate groups in becoming conspirators with the Women’s Army, as well as becoming more outspokenly involved in an aggressive, unified women’s liberation movement.
All of these groups are in some way a reductive analysis of various ethnic groups and their individual concerns without getting at the crux of why these groups may be involved in women’s liberation, or how each of the groups is actually being oppressed. Such delineations are neglected and the groups are solidified under a general, universal feminist radical front, after the capture of Adelaide Norris. For example, one of the issues with this portrayal is the fact that as white, upper-class women, the Socialist Youth Review editors are in a position that is an unattainable standard of living for the black women laborers who’re involved with the Women’s Army, (as illustrated by Adelaide Norris herself losing her government appointed laborer job, expressing the problematic of a socialist government as an economic institution; less than ideal). Because of their status, the Socialist Youth Review editors are less activist, radical and anti-political because their troubles are not as experiential or immediate as the impoverished minority groups with whom they do not share anything in common with (except for the collective oppression of women under the socialist institution). Also, their views on sexual abuse, and rape in particular are expressed in a television broadcasted forum, and is juxtaposed with a woman being accosted on the streets of New York by two men, (who are driven away by a group belonging to the Women’s Army). The medium itself for the Socialist Youth Review editors is considerably ‘higher,’ as they work in largely distributed media, such as the Review, or television, their approach is innocuous and is not activist, but theoretically based.Isabel, the white radio host of Regazza Radio also exhibits a problematic, apolitical stance, perhaps more so than the Socialist Youth Review editors, as her message does not embody any sort of experiential or actual reaction to a particular oppression, but an opaque and indefinite entity, and does so with inapplicable sloganeering, such as “ram the darkness with your rhyme.” Her attention to a particular kind of music exposes her apolitical and (somewhat) naïve bias; esoteric white (and British, for that matter) punk and rock and roll, involving women, but often times formed by, and benefiting men. Performative music as a means of feminist expression is may be a valid point, as Suzanne G. Cusick claims, in that “we stand to know music more ultimately if we know it is a complex conversation of (situated) minds and (situated) bodies. And since gender is the system of power relationships among bodies, we cannot possibly know in the gender content there might be in a given work without understanding how our music’s complex conversations require actual bodies to behave.” (Cusick. 51).
According to Cusick, music may be an effective means of positing a female identity when discussing the mind/body opposition (where mind is often associated with male, and privileged in music, and body is associated with the performative-the female singer for instance, and as a sensation is considered primitive). The negotiation of mind and body in music may be a subversive disjunction that Isabel purports to explore. (I believe that Lizzie Borden does this as well, in her choice of musical accompaniment for the film; her choices of white avant-garde punk-rock groups to express political subversion reflect the same interests of Isabel). One of the positive messages that Isabel puts out there, however, is that women can be producers of a new kind of music, in a counter popular-culture methodology, and though “Women’s Music as a particular counterhegemonic cultural movement of resitance (may) never reach a mass audience, through the proliferation of new women in the popular music market…suggests that is is quite possible for women artist to sell their products through the male-dominated system, whatever their political stance.”(Pratt.160). While Isabel never intends to reach a mass, popular culture audience through a male-dominated system (mainstream radio, media, music), her feminist invectives would incite some kind of change among those disenfranchised people of mainstream (whether male or female, white or non-white), though perhaps only within an abstract, expressionistic, (non-immediate) realm. For someone who espouses supposedly revolutionary ideals, her complacency in dealing with political events reveals a level of disaffected apathy common to those who might share her interests; at first, Isabel is no more than a figurehead for a movement that is consistent of those not looking for radical change.
Making space for antiracist feminism in Northern Italy / Heather Merrill -- Resisting domestic violence and caste inequality : all-women courts in India / Veronica Magar -- Exotic dancing and unionizing : the challenges of feminist and antiracist organizing at the Lusty Lady Theater / Siobhan Brooks -- Women, healthcare, and social reform in Yemen / Delores M. Walters -- Danger talk : race and feminist empowerment in the new South Africa / Michelle Rosenthal -- From race cognizance to racism cognizance : dilemmas in antiracist activism in California / Ellen Kaye Scott -- Between the covers : feminist, antiracist, and queer performance art in Australia / Andrea Breen -- Feminism, Nationalism, and the Japanese Textbook Controversy over "comfort women" / Yoshiko Nozaki -- Coalition politics in organizing for Mumia Abu-Jamal / Sohera Syeda and Becky Thompson -- Extraordinary alliances in crisis situations : women against Hindu nationalism in India / Paola Bacchetta -- Working with feminists in Zimbabwe : a black American's experience of transnational alliances / Carolyn Martin Shaw -- Building connections between antiracism and feminism : antiracist women and profeminist men / Eileen O'Brien and Michael Armato -- "L'affaire des foulards'" : problems of defining a feminist antiracist strategy in French schools / Jane Freedman -- Memorializing racist massacres : faith versus feminism in Florida / Cathleen L. Armstead -- Casting off servitude : assessing caste and gender inequality in India / Ashwini Deshpande -- Mapping the meanings of "racism" and "feminism" among women television broadcast journalists in Canada / Minelle Mahtani.
katholik trip in south phiilly today,. wwalked by a mexican grocery around mountain? st. lots of churches and picturers of cardinals and fictitious religious figures posted on residential windows.
REmember "Born in Flames"? movie dir. by Lizzie Borden...? i rememeber my friend in boston telling me he was excited to gon a lizzie borden trip., so , not that lizzie.
anyhow "Born in Flames" was one of those films that couldnt have happened at any other time other than the early 8-0's without being self debilitating. in fact, it still pretty much was...difficult to view it without assuming a certain level of uncriticalism (from an elemental point of view.)anywho heres an excerpt from a paper written on it? i remmeber this. (i havent editied it -it's fun to read essays written 4-5 years ago. but- the thing about this is how is apoliticez by makeing the issues grossly political, about gender politics. there is a transference to a fictional setting based in transparent unreality, what is the method here?? to be viewed as a text maybe, rather than a representation. it obviously makes no claims otherwise in its blind assertion of inclusivity.
its funny though that i was so critical ov isabel even though i originilaly rented it for the sounds (lora logic of the same song of the name of the movie, but esp. the bloods, who're the same icons that this movie glorifies-well, of course, isabel is held in higher esteem... (?) of course, blacks and hispanics are removed, transplanted from concretion, and if i recall the movie still marginalized asians by removing them from the discussion, well, that's what multiculturalism does...plays the oppositional elements (white and non-white) off each other..one cna't ignore that grups like like those featured here were born in multicultural england! of the 80's.
(this is only available here in phiiladelphia at the tla video on spring garden-had to go on a hunt.)
anyhow, if you happen to seeit, its amusingly of its time and takes its ppolitics so far as to not have another 'perspective' or irony of anything less than full conviction and assertions, kind of like these made in essay!
Isabel continues to implore that her message does not need to be involved with actual instances of oppression, and that music is her only message, a sort of pleasure-based inarticulacy, detached and uninvolved with the sentient world. All of this changes, of course, and her problematic position is at least in part rectified when she becomes directly involved with the Women’s Army, though only after a direct assault (when her pirate radio station is destroyed by violent, radical anti-feminist groups). Contrast this with Honey, who becomes involved with the Women’s Army voluntarily, and long before Phoenix Radio is destroyed by the same groups that destroyed Radio Regazza. This is primarily because Isabel is not influenced by labor movements, at least as they pertain to African-American women (because of her own lack or personal experience). Again, Borden dictates the situation that negotiates the women’s labor movements, and perhaps wrongly feels she has to posit such a ‘far-fetched’ occurrence that pushes women laborers to protest in not only a fictitious story, but in a fictitious environment. Putting the post-revolutionary socialist society in place appears only to point out the problems with socialist as it marginalizes women, however, from a gender related discussion, it is unnecessary.
Several syncretic ideas are drawn together in "Born in Flames,” directed by Lizzie Borden in 1983. Borden’s scope is perhaps far-reaching and fairly neglectful of ethnic/class concerns, though she studies various reductive modes of explicit/implicit subversion; detailing them individually, and grouping them based on shared political concerns and sensibilities. The setting for “Born in Flames” in a futuristic post-revolutionary socialist world (as we are told to believe, though the world is very much of its time) is somewhat unnecessary, although as a setting, it is more or less beneficial for Borden to cogently state her thesis. Socialism is still an economic exchange, one that precludes the involvement of women; and though the living conditions aren’t greatly magnified in the systematic oppression of women, the incitement to take up arms is enacted in part due to the lack of a work force involvement for equal rights for women within a labor or industrial centered economy. (This economy is in opposition to an economy based in technology and educational attainment, as this is not apparent in Borden’s post-revolutionary socialist urban environment). “Born in Flames” provides different (ranked) levels of activism, processed by each of the individuals concerns, and focuses on various results and methods of dissemination, without becoming too involved with the reasons for each of the groups’ individual concerns.
There are four primary sub-groups that “Born in Flames” represents, exclusive of women only (though all are not necessarily funded or formed by women), all eventually becoming involved in the Women’s Army, the fictitious radical women’s liberation group, by the end. They are: the white, European female journalists for the Socialist Youth Review, associated with the Socialist Party, (patriarchal) based and funded periodical, Regazza Radio, the pirate radio station run by ‘Isabel,’ a white lesbian artist primarily concerned with broadcasting white punk/rock and roll/art music only as an expressionist, rebellious (though apoliticized) message, Honey, the voice behind Phoenix Radio, an African-American originally associated with the socialists, who plays black reggae/roots/soul music and is an interested and partial conspirator with the Women’s Army (and broadcasts her support accordingly). Lastly, the Women’s Army, founded and co-headed by Adelaide Norris, a black lesbian militant, who is perceived as the least ‘theoretical,’ and most activist (as well as the greatest terroristic threat by the government). She is eventually captured and murdered, and this acts as a catalyst for the involvement of all the disparate groups in becoming conspirators with the Women’s Army, as well as becoming more outspokenly involved in an aggressive, unified women’s liberation movement.
All of these groups are in some way a reductive analysis of various ethnic groups and their individual concerns without getting at the crux of why these groups may be involved in women’s liberation, or how each of the groups is actually being oppressed. Such delineations are neglected and the groups are solidified under a general, universal feminist radical front, after the capture of Adelaide Norris. For example, one of the issues with this portrayal is the fact that as white, upper-class women, the Socialist Youth Review editors are in a position that is an unattainable standard of living for the black women laborers who’re involved with the Women’s Army, (as illustrated by Adelaide Norris herself losing her government appointed laborer job, expressing the problematic of a socialist government as an economic institution; less than ideal). Because of their status, the Socialist Youth Review editors are less activist, radical and anti-political because their troubles are not as experiential or immediate as the impoverished minority groups with whom they do not share anything in common with (except for the collective oppression of women under the socialist institution). Also, their views on sexual abuse, and rape in particular are expressed in a television broadcasted forum, and is juxtaposed with a woman being accosted on the streets of New York by two men, (who are driven away by a group belonging to the Women’s Army). The medium itself for the Socialist Youth Review editors is considerably ‘higher,’ as they work in largely distributed media, such as the Review, or television, their approach is innocuous and is not activist, but theoretically based.Isabel, the white radio host of Regazza Radio also exhibits a problematic, apolitical stance, perhaps more so than the Socialist Youth Review editors, as her message does not embody any sort of experiential or actual reaction to a particular oppression, but an opaque and indefinite entity, and does so with inapplicable sloganeering, such as “ram the darkness with your rhyme.” Her attention to a particular kind of music exposes her apolitical and (somewhat) naïve bias; esoteric white (and British, for that matter) punk and rock and roll, involving women, but often times formed by, and benefiting men. Performative music as a means of feminist expression is may be a valid point, as Suzanne G. Cusick claims, in that “we stand to know music more ultimately if we know it is a complex conversation of (situated) minds and (situated) bodies. And since gender is the system of power relationships among bodies, we cannot possibly know in the gender content there might be in a given work without understanding how our music’s complex conversations require actual bodies to behave.” (Cusick. 51).
According to Cusick, music may be an effective means of positing a female identity when discussing the mind/body opposition (where mind is often associated with male, and privileged in music, and body is associated with the performative-the female singer for instance, and as a sensation is considered primitive). The negotiation of mind and body in music may be a subversive disjunction that Isabel purports to explore. (I believe that Lizzie Borden does this as well, in her choice of musical accompaniment for the film; her choices of white avant-garde punk-rock groups to express political subversion reflect the same interests of Isabel). One of the positive messages that Isabel puts out there, however, is that women can be producers of a new kind of music, in a counter popular-culture methodology, and though “Women’s Music as a particular counterhegemonic cultural movement of resitance (may) never reach a mass audience, through the proliferation of new women in the popular music market…suggests that is is quite possible for women artist to sell their products through the male-dominated system, whatever their political stance.”(Pratt.160). While Isabel never intends to reach a mass, popular culture audience through a male-dominated system (mainstream radio, media, music), her feminist invectives would incite some kind of change among those disenfranchised people of mainstream (whether male or female, white or non-white), though perhaps only within an abstract, expressionistic, (non-immediate) realm. For someone who espouses supposedly revolutionary ideals, her complacency in dealing with political events reveals a level of disaffected apathy common to those who might share her interests; at first, Isabel is no more than a figurehead for a movement that is consistent of those not looking for radical change.
posted by jacob at 11:19 PM
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